It’s Not a Linguistic Debate, it’s Man-Made Starvation

Defense of Israel cannot condone the indefensible

Horrific man-made starvation in Gaza afflicting everyone from civilian children, to doctors caring for the sick and dying, to journalists struggling to survive so they could cover the catastrophe could have been avoided.

Months ago, Donald Trump, who holds sway over Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, could have demanded an end to a war that no longer serves any military purpose. (Over 70% of Israelis want the war to end.) Unbelievably, he did not insist on ceasefire as a condition for U.S. strikes on Iran—yet another cruel, mortifying failure to deploy our influence by a pathetically inept “dealmaker.”

Israel, which has moral and legal obligations to protect civilians under its occupation, could have refrained from imposing a blockade, which only worsened the food shortage, empowered Hamas, and caused more violence. Instead, Netanyahu (whose coalition partners still speak about ethnic-cleansing) insists that there is no starvation, a monstrous lie illustrative of a government that has lost its moral bearings.

Israel could have allowed the existing humanitarian infrastructure to continue feeding Gazans rather than insist Hamas was systematically stealing food (a charge debunked by the IDF) and erect an inexperienced, incompetent distribution entity that predictably was overwhelmed.

The results have been horrific and predictable. “Throughout that two-month period, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza steadily worsened, as international criticism grew in proportion,” the Times of Israel reported. “It reached a crescendo last week as 28 Western allies, including the UK, Australia, Canada, France, and Italy, said in a joint statement that the war in Gaza ‘must end now,’ arguing that civilian suffering had ‘reached new depths.’” In recent weeks, over 800 Palestinians were killed while desperately scrambling for food.

Whatever Israel was trying to achieve, it has indisputably failed to force Hamas to give up the hostages. Instead, “Israel’s aid policy rendered a victory even less likely, as it gave most of the world renewed urgency to end the war at any cost in order to stop the shooting and starving deaths of Gazans,” the Times of Israel notes.

Source: United Nations Relief and Works Agency

Humanitarian and founder of the World Central Kitchen José Andrés put it most succinctly: “The blockade that was supposed to pressure what’s left of Hamas only strengthened these gunmen and gangs. It precipitated mass deprivation and the collapse of society in Gaza.”

As he wrote, “We are far beyond the blame game.”

Consider this statement:

No one should be unaffected by the pervasive hunger experienced by thousands of Gazans. No one should spend the bulk of their time arguing technical definitions between starvation and pervasive hunger. The situation is dire, and it is deadly. More than a few members of the current Israeli government have publicly called for Israel to decimate the Gaza Strip. We condemn all such statements. They do not represent Jewish values nor those embodied in the Zionist vision that produced Israel’s Declaration of Independence.

That comes not from some anti-Israel critic but from America’s Jewish Reform movement. Likewise, the Jewish Democratic Council of America called “for immediate steps to alleviate the dire and growing humanitarian crisis in Gaza.” The group flatly stated: “The situation in Gaza is unacceptable and antithetical to our Jewish values, and it’s incumbent on the Israeli government, the United States, and all parties to ensure that Gazans have access to food.” While older U.S. Jewish organizations, frankly, have been far too meek for fear of emboldening Israel’s enemies, they belatedly have begun to speak up, albeit timidly, to express revulsion.

They join the cry of an increasing number of American rabbis who have been actively demonstrating to call for increased aid into Gaza, ceasefire, and the return of all hostages. Just yesterday, dozens of rabbis were arrested after protesting in front of Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s office, calling for aid in Gaza. Even Trump—who on Sunday whined that only the U.S. had given aid (False), groused that the U.S. had not been thanked (What?!), and suggested without the U.S. there would be starvation—on Monday acknowledged there was “real starvation stuff.” He also conceded other countries were “stepping up.”

If the war initially was a legitimate military response to Hamas’s gruesome slaughter and sexual violence on Oct. 7, few outside Netanyahu’s government can discern what military purpose it now serves. Increasingly, Israelis themselves (and even some on the right in the U.S.) are publicly sharing their revulsion at continuing a war for nonmilitary reasons.

“By any traditional military measure, Hamas was soundly defeated a long time ago,” writes Middle East Institute’s Paul Salem. “And the main reason for this appears to be that any end to the war with Hamas even nominally surviving will trigger the exit of his right-wing extremist partners, the fall of his government, and the potential end of his political career; this would also include accountability for the failures of Oct. 7, and possible legal jeopardy.”

Meanwhile, the fate of the Israeli hostages becomes more perilous. And alongside the death and destruction in Gaza, the number of dead (nearly 900) and wounded IDF soldiers rises. The death count, as the Times of Israel reported, horrifyingly includes a “string of suicides among Israeli soldiers over less than two weeks this July.” Coming on top of an historic high in military suicides last year, the epidemic of recent IDF suicides “has reignited concerns over the military’s mental health system, with experts warning that the war’s prolonged psychological toll is pushing troops past their limits.”

This is a war like no other. “Unlike shorter operations in the past, this conflict has exposed troops to ongoing trauma, repeated deployments, and little time to recover.” The trauma also extends to younger teens who are seeking mental health help at a record rate. In sum, Netanyahu’s reliance on unceasing violence hardly expunges the horror inflicted on Oct. 7; it creates more casualties, spreads intergenerational trauma, and endangers Israeli’s current and future security.

Absent Hamas’ barbaric pogrom, nearly 22 months of death, destruction, and trauma would not have ensued. But Hamas’ unforgivable behavior does not condone the Israeli government’s misconduct in violation of international norms and law nor Trump’s refusal to use all available leverage to end the war (let alone his parroting ethnic cleansing rhetoric).

Recent international condemnation has minimally loosened Israel’s restrictions on aid, but a surge of food aid through competent networks is still lacking. Lost in the debate over terminology (“war crimes” or “genocide”) is the urgent need for stronger action. The linguistic and legal labels are not unimportant; right now, they are beside the point.

The U.S., its allies, and established American Jewish organizations (many of which were mute or equivocal for far too long) must do more. They should follow José Andrés’s admonition: “If we want to light the darkness, we need to extend our soul to the hungry. And we need to do it now.”